LAST week, The Washington Post published transcripts of United States Donald Trump’s conversations with foreign leaders.
A dear friend sent me an email suggesting I read them because they reveal how Trump’s mind works. But, as I tried to click the link, a Bartleby-like voice in my head said: “I would prefer not to.”
I tried to click again and the voice said: “No thanks. I’m full.”
For the past two years, Trump has taken up an amazing amount of my brain space. My brain has apparently decided that it’s not interested in devoting more neurons to that guy. There’s nothing more to be learnt about Trump’s mixture of ignorance, insecurity and narcissism. Every second spent on his bluster is more degrading than informative.
Now, a lot of people are clearly still addicted to Trump. My Twitter feed is all him. Some people treat the Trump White House as the Breaking Bad television serial drama they’ve been binge watching for six months.
For some of us, Trump-bashing has become educated-class meth. We derive endless satisfaction from feeling morally superior to him — and as critic-author Leon Wieseltier put it, affirmation is the new sex.
But, I thought I might try to listen to my brain for a change. That would mean trying, probably unsuccessfully, to spend less time thinking about Trump the soap opera and more time on questions that surround the Trump phenomena and this moment of history.
How much permanent damage is he doing to our global alliances? Have Americans really decided they no longer want to be a universal nation with a special mission to spread freedom around the world? Is populism now the lingua franca of politics so the Democrats’ only hope is to match Trump’s populism with their own?
These concerns revolve around one big question: What lessons are people drawing from this debacle and how will they shape what comes next?
It’s clear that Trump is not just a parenthesis. After he leaves, things will not just snap back to “normal”.
Instead, he represents the farcical culmination of a lot of dying old orders — demographic, political, even moral — and what comes after will be a reaction against rather than a continuing from.
For example, let’s look at our moral culture. For most of American history, mainline Protestants — the Episcopalians, Methodists, Presbyterians and so on — set the dominant cultural tone. Most of the big social movements like abolitionism, the suffragist movement and the civil rights movement came out of the mainline churches.
As Joseph Bottum wrote in An Anxious Age, mainline Protestants created a kind of unifying culture that bounds people of different political views. You could be Catholic, Jewish, Muslim or an atheist, but still you were influenced by certain mainline ideas — the Protestant work ethics, the White Anglo-Saxon Protestant’s (WASP) definition of a gentleman. Leaders from Theodore Roosevelt to Barack Obama hewed to a similar mainline standard for what is decent in public life and what is beyond the pale.
Over the last several decades, mainline Protestantism has withered. The country became more diverse. The WASPs lost their perch atop society. The mainline denominations lost their vitality.
For a time, we lived off the moral capital of the past. But, the election of Trump shows just how desiccated the mainline code has become. A nation guided by that ethic would not have elected a guy who is a daily affront to it, a guy who nakedly loves money, who boasts, who objectifies women, who is incapable of hypocrisy because he acknowledges no standard of propriety other than that which he feels like doing at any given moment.
Trump has smashed through the behaviour standards that once governed public life. His election demonstrates that as the unifying glue of the mainline culture receded, the country divided into at least three blocks — white evangelical Protestantism that at least in its public face seems to care more about eros than caritas; secular progressivism that is spiritually formed by feminism, environmentalism and the quest for individual rights, and realist nationalism that gets its manners from reality TV and its spiritual succour from in-group/out-group solidarity.
If Trump falls in disgrace or defeat, and people’s partisan pride is no longer at stake, I hope that even his supporters will have enough moral memory to acknowledge that character really does matter. A guy can promise change, but if he is dishonest, disloyal and selfish, the change he delivers is not going to be effective or good.
But where are people going to go for a new standard of decency? They’re not going to go back to the old WASP ideal. That’s dead. Trump revealed the vacuum, but who is going to fill it and with what?
I could describe a similar vacuum when it comes to domestic policy thinking, to American identity, to America’s role in the world. Trump exposes the void, but doesn’t fill it. That’s why the reaction against Trump is now more important than the man himself. One way or another, I’m going wash that man right out of what’s left of my hair. --NYT
DAVID BROOKS a ‘New York Times’ Op-Ed columnist, writes about politics, culture and the social sciences.